On April 22, 2013, the eastern steps of Nairobi State House were the setting for what seemed to be the beginning of a new political era. Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto appeared in matching outfits with an air of camaraderie not seen in Kenya’s highest office for many years.
The media quickly took notice and marveled at the apparent chemistry between the president and his lieutenant. At last, it felt like Kenya had a leadership duo, not just a formal pairing, but a true political partnership.
And all they provided was optics. The honeymoon is almost over.
Although President Kenyatta had unwavering trust in Vice President Ruto, their personal dynamics showed a marked contrast. Ruto is a teetotaler, but President Kenyatta loves his drink. Ruto, on the other hand, had an insatiable desire for wealth, power, and influence. At every turn, he was always eager to seize opportunities as they presented themselves. His ambition to become a wealthy oligarchy often manifested itself as a restless energy, driving him to decisive and sometimes impulsive actions. This approach has made him a powerful player in the political arena.
Ruto is the first vice president under the new constitution, and unlike his previous holders, his position was not at the mercy of the president. This gave him a chance to outwit his boss.
During Kenyatta’s first term, he seemed more like a figurehead than a leader, overshadowed by the elected officials who dominated the political scene. Governors, encouraged by decentralization, outperformed county commissioners, but cabinet appointees found their influence waning.
Although county governors are now called “His Excellency,” it was once a title given to the president, wielding unprecedented powers and overshadowing technocrats and state administrators. Even Uhuru, despite his position, seemed to have faded into Ruto’s imposing shadow.
The two had a history. With President Moi’s resignation looming, Ruto had emerged as one of the few “Young Turks” handpicked by the state parliament to defend Uhuru’s elevation as President Moi’s chosen successor.
Ruto had already made a name for himself, gaining notoriety as a shrewd and fierce agitator. His efforts to seek the redistribution of a 4,000-acre farm owned by the East African Tanning and Extraction Company (EATEC) were widely praised in Nadi district. More specifically, Moi brought him back to the center and removed him from the United Democratic Movement (UDM), which had been linked to former Kanu Youth Movement presidents Cyrus Jilongo, Kipruto arap Kirwa and Fred Amayo in 1992. I rescued you. Having sided with Uhuru under Guan Yu’s banner while others fled, the two were bound by history and shared problems.
Aides recall that anyone who dared to abuse Ruto during Uhuru’s first term was quickly swept into obscurity. When the president was provoked, his rebuke was scathing and unrelenting, leaving little room for opposition. In these circumstances, Kenyatta’s inner circle wisely accepted silence as a shield to protect their vulnerable position.
Always a great strategist, Ruto thrived in this atmosphere. With deft precision, he turned silence into an arena for his own superiority, systematically dismantling his critics, most of them from Kenyatta’s Mt Kenya stronghold. In a daring power play, he reshaped the region’s political landscape to suit his ambitions, installed supporters in key positions, and assimilated loyal people with the ease of a puppet pulling invisible strings. operated. Under Ruto’s calculated influence, the mountain’s political winds begin to change, and as his critics are ousted one by one, the mountain’s political winds blow in his favor, silence and power. He left behind a kingdom built within.
The alliance between Uhuru and Ruto was born out of survival, not friendship. In the luxurious surroundings of Jimi Wanjigi’s Muthaiga mansion, both men, embroiled in charges at the International Criminal Court and operating under different party banners, faced a pivotal challenge from Wanjigi. It is either to unite or risk political annihilation. The forced marriage effectively alienated Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka, who left office under Mwai Kibaki, but Mwai Kibaki was not too happy with how things were progressing.
Kalonzo clearly records that moment in his autobiography. “That night, Jimi, Uhuru and Ruto drove to see me. As we walked to the gazebo for dinner, Ruto and Jimmy sat in silence and Uhuru led the way. “Stephen, we have decided that you should choose another office, but not as president or vice president.” I was taken aback. I had no idea when or how the agreement they had made before nominating me as their presidential candidate had changed. ”
After that fateful encounter, Kalonzo jumped into Raila Odinga’s camp and together they faced defeat against the formidable Jubilee Coalition, which combined Uhuru’s National Alliance (TNA) and Ruto’s United Republican Party (URP) in the 2013 elections. did.
Under the new arrangement, Ruto was promised control of half the government, giving him the muscle his predecessor lacked. But the Jubilee Coalition’s grand promises, from stadiums and laptops to free education, quickly descended into sleaze and corruption.
The first term of Uhuru Ruto’s government unfolded like an intricate tapestry of scandals and grandiose megaprojects. Some of them, like the phantom Alor and Kimwala dams, blossomed only in the fertile soil of the collective imagination of the nation. The two held hands together to defend their questionable dealings, and their shared controversy seemed to have strengthened their bond.
On June 25, 2014, President Kenyatta made the following declaration to the nation from his stately grounds in Nairobi: Kenya will receive an initial Sh174 billion, part of a huge national debt of Sh250 billion. But eventually, echoing through the corridors of power, there were whispers of questions about where all this money had gone. In the run-up to Jamhuri Day celebrations in 2015, President Kenyatta issued a stern warning: “If you make accusations and cannot prove them, you too will be held accountable.” Meanwhile, his representatives have always been dismissive, dismissing the allegations of eurobond abuse as “complete nonsense” and fending off criticism with characteristic bravado.
Mr Kenyatta acted cautiously, wary of alienating his vice president, who brought political influence to vast electorates in the Rift Valley. This was a different maneuver than previous vice presidents had attempted. Furthermore, both men were caught in the obsessive grasp of the ICC case, and were linked like Siamese twins in a collective struggle for survival. Rumors swirled that their supporters rallied to their supporters not simply for political aspirations, but in a desperate effort to protect them from the clutches of the International Criminal Court. In this complex dance of power and survival, the stakes have never been higher and alliances more fragile than ever.
The stain of the scandal was shared equally, but the stench was selectively shed. However, this bromance comes to an end when the ICC case collapses and it becomes clear that both men’s time is numbered.
After securing a second term in office, President Kenyatta shifted his focus to creating a lasting legacy. Meanwhile, Ruto wasted no time in launching his own political campaign and building a strong network to garner public favor, especially through religious platforms. Up for re-election, Mr. Uhuru, no longer bound by the need for political survival, unleashed the full power of the nation’s administrative and security apparatus to exploit the corrupt system of patronage, donations, and illegal networks that had flourished unchecked. targeted. . The fight against corruption, money laundering, counterfeiting and transnational crime marked the beginning of an all-out assault on the deeply entrenched political order. As Uhuru dismantled these corrupt networks, Ruto and his allies denounced the president’s move as politically motivated and designed to alienate his supporters and curb his ambitions. exclaimed.
handshake
However, it did not take long for new dynamics to emerge within the corridors of power. Raila Odinga, once Kenyatta’s staunch rival, signed a historic “handshake” with the president, changing the political landscape forever. In the aftermath, the once-close partnership between Kenyatta and Ruto became meaningless, with the vice-president’s office quietly receding into the background and its influence fading into a distant memory.
His allies faced the wrath of the Directorate of Criminal Investigations, and records show a web of scandals that made public treasuries easy to raid. Ruto always defended them and pitched the story that the DCI was used as a weapon against him. As Uhuru tried to push Odinga’s candidacy, his previous calm restraint crumbled, and within Mt Kenya, Ruto’s strategy was to tarnish Uhuru’s reputation and promote Leilaphobia. It served as propaganda against Uhuru and Raila and won the day as a dynasty.
When the government tried to build Ruto’s Weston Hotel, built on public land, he and his propaganda machine roared. There were many other battles for control of the Jubilee Party. In the end, Ruto took up a position in the new organization “UDA”, which was made up of people who had fallen out with Uhuru.
The campaign was brutal. It was the first time that the Democratic Party and the president exchanged words in public, but the president did not have any authority. Ruto characterized Odinga as a non-believer because the church was within safe reach. It was only a matter of time. Odinga underestimated Ruto’s power and believed that a strong “deep state” would guarantee Ruto’s votes. When the final tally was announced, Ruto engineered a huge victory. Raila Odinga was stunned and in disbelief by the results.
On the day of his oath, Ruto handed the microphone to his deputy, Ligasi Gachagua, to deliver the final stabbing blow. Gachagua publicly humiliated Uhuru in front of a gathering of senior officials and disciplined the former head of state. Emboldened by this spectacle, Gachagua may have believed that his new “bromance” with President Ruto would last for a long time, but as with all things in politics, the future of such an alliance remains uncertain. Ta.
Tomorrow: Rigati Gachagua climbs from the summit.
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